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Laura Elisabeth Christensen ist eine dänische Schauspielerin. Laura Elisabeth Christensen (* Januar in Østerbro, Kopenhagen) ist eine dänische Schauspielerin. Leben[Bearbeiten | Quelltext bearbeiten]. Laura. Interview, Porträt, Filmografie, Bilder und Videos zum Star Laura Christensen | sfbok30.se sfbok30.se - Kaufen Sie Midsummer by Kristian Leth; Laura Christensen; Tuva Novotny; Jon Lange; Julie R. Olgaard; Nicolai Jandorf; Per Oscarsson günstig. Laura Christensen - Alle Bilder, Filme, TV Serien und Fakten finden Sie hier zum Star auf TV Spielfilm. Jetzt hier informieren!
Interview, Porträt, Filmografie, Bilder und Videos zum Star Laura Christensen | sfbok30.se Laura Elisabeth Christensen ist eine dänische Schauspielerin. Laura Christensen - Alle Bilder, Filme, TV Serien und Fakten finden Sie hier zum Star auf TV Spielfilm. Jetzt hier informieren!
Laura Christensen - Darstellerin in FilmenAnmelden Konto anlegen. In der deutschsprachigen protestantischen Theologie werden die kontrovers geführten…. Artikel merken In den Warenkorb Artikel ist im Warenkorb. ZDFneo, Uhr: "E. Menschenbilder und Gottesbilder. Cursed — Die Auserwählte: Die ersten Bilder. Diesen Artikel versenden an.
Laura Christensen VideoNeel, Julie og Laura: Derfor er vores venskab så stærkt Hans nennt seine Freundin 'Heinz' - das sagt eigentlich schon alles über ihre Beziehung. Hans arbeitet im…. Lauren Daigle. Power To The Pop. Doch dann kommt es zum lebensbedrohlichen Defekt in ihrer With die bestimmung 2 streamcloud simply. Zuhause wird Kat von ihrer eitlen Stiefmutter und den Stiefschweste….
To examine the implications of these divergent trajectories in the context of health care choices, we investigated whether instructional manipulations emphasizing a focus on feelings or details would have differential effects on decision quality among younger and older adults.
We presented 60 younger and 60 older adults with health care choices that required them to hold in mind and consider multiple pieces of information.
Instructional manipulations in the emotion-focus condition asked participants to focus on their emotional reactions to the options, report their feelings about the options, and then make a choice.
In the information-focus condition, participants were instructed to focus on the specific attributes, report the details about the options, and then make a choice.
In a control condition, no directives were given. Manipulation checks indicated that the instructions were successful in eliciting different modes of processing.
Decision quality data indicate that younger adults performed better in the information-focus than in the control condition whereas older adults performed better in the emotion-focus and control conditions than in the information-focus condition.
Findings support and extend extant theorizing on aging and decision making as well as suggest that interventions to improve decision-making quality should take the age of the decision maker into account.
In this study, we investigated potential awareness of the phenomenon by asking older people to recollect material from the perspective of a young person.
Young and older participants listened to stories about and year-old main characters and then were asked to retell the stories from the perspective of the main characters.
Older adults used relatively more positive than negative words when retelling from the perspective of a versus year-old.
Young adults, however, used comparable numbers of positive and negative words regardless of perspective.
These findings contribute to a growing literature that points to developmental gains in the emotion domain. The past several decades have witnessed unidimensional decline models of aging give way to life-span developmental models that consider how specific processes and strategies facilitate adaptive aging.
In part, this shift was provoked by the stark contrast between findings that clearly demonstrate decreased biological, physiological, and cognitive capacity and those suggesting that people are generally satisfied in old age and experience relatively high levels of emotional well-being.
In recent years, this supposed "paradox" of aging has been reconciled through careful theoretical analysis and empirical investigation.
Viewing aging as adaptation sheds light on resilience, well-being, and emotional distress across adulthood. Carstensen Emotion, [Jun], Vol 8, The first author of the article was listed as being affiliated with both the National Institute on Aging and the Department of Psychology, Stanford University.
Nielsen would like to clarify that the research for this article was conducted while she was a postdoctoral fellow at Stanford University; her current affiliation is only with the National Institute on Aging.
The copyright notice should also have been listed as "In the Public Domain. Dynamic changes in affect were measured along valence and arousal dimensions, with probes during both anticipatory and consummatory task phases.
Older and younger adults displayed distinct patterns of affect dynamics. Younger adults reported increased negative arousal during loss anticipation and positive arousal during gain anticipation.
In contrast, older adults reported increased positive arousal during gain anticipation but showed no increase in negative arousal on trials involving loss anticipation.
Additionally, younger adults reported large increases in valence after avoiding an anticipated loss, but older adults did not. Younger, but not older, adults exhibited forecasting errors on the arousal dimension, underestimating increases in arousal during anticipation of gains and losses and overestimating increases in arousal in response to gain outcomes.
Overall, the findings are consistent with a growing literature suggesting that older people experience less negative emotion than their younger counterparts and further suggest that they may better predict dynamic changes in affect.
A growing body of research suggests that the ability to regulate emotion remains stable or improves across the adult life span.
Socioemotional selectivity theory maintains that this pattern of findings reflects the prioritization of emotional goals. Given that goal-directed behavior requires attentional control, the present study was designed to investigate age differences in selective attention to emotional lexical stimuli under conditions of emotional interference.
Both neural and behavioral measures were obtained during an experiment in which participants completed a flanker task that required them to make categorical judgments about emotional and nonemotional stimuli.
Older adults showed interference in both the behavioral and neural measures on control trials but not on emotion trials.
Although older adults typically show relatively high levels of interference and reduced cognitive control during nonemotional tasks, they appear to be able to successfully reduce interference during emotional tasks.
Older adults' relatively better memory for positive over negative material positivity effect has been widely observed in Western samples.
This study examined whether a relative preference for positive over negative material is also observed in older Koreans.
Younger and older Korean participants viewed images from the International Affective Picture System IAPS , were tested for recall and recognition of the images, and rated the images for valence.
Cultural differences in the valence ratings of images emerged. Once considered, the relative preference for positive over negative material in memory observed in older Koreans was indistinguishable from that observed previously in older Americans.
Older adults report less distress in response to interpersonal conflicts than do younger adults, yet few researchers have examined factors that may contribute to these age differences.
Emotion regulation is partially determined by the initial cognitive and emotional reactions that events elicit. At 4 points during each scenario, the tape paused and participants engaged in a talk-aloud procedure and rated their level of anger and sadness.
Findings reveal that older adults reported less anger but equal levels of sadness compared to younger adults, and their comments were judged by coders as less negative.
Older adults made fewer appraisals about the people speaking on the tape and expressed less interest in learning more about their motives.
Together, findings are consistent with age-related increases in processes that promote disengagement from offending situations.
Affective forecasting, experienced affect, and recalled affect were compared in younger and older adults during a task in which participants worked to win and avoid losing small monetary sums.
The anterior insula has been implicated in both the experience and the anticipation of negative outcomes. Although individual differences in insular sensitivity have been associated with self-report measures of chronic anxiety, previous research has not examined whether individual differences in insular sensitivity predict learning to avoid aversive stimuli.
In the present study, insular sensitivity was assessed as participants anticipated monetary losses while undergoing functional magnetic resonance imaging.
We found that insular responsiveness to anticipated losses predicted participants' ability to learn to avoid losses but not to approach gains in a behavioral test several months later.
These findings suggest that in addition to correlating with self-reported anxiety, heightened insular sensitivity may promote learning to avoid loss.
Using computer-based decision scenarios, participants reviewed positive, negative, or neutral choice criteria before choosing.
Older adults who chose for themselves reviewed a greater proportion of positive choice criteria, recalled their choices more positively, and showed more positive emotional responses than did younger adults.
Comparable results were found when participants chose for another person of similar age. Older adults who were asked to choose for a young person, however, showed a reduced focus on positive information; in addition, their emotional experience during the review process was less positive.
Younger adults' performance was not influenced by the decision target. The experience of mixed emotions increases with age.
Socioemotional selectivity theory suggests that mixed emotions are associated with shifting time horizons. Theoretically, perceived constraints on future time increase appreciation for life, which, in turn, elicits positive emotions such as happiness.
Yet, the very same temporal constraints heighten awareness that these positive experiences come to an end, thus yielding mixed emotional states.
In 2 studies, the authors examined the link between the awareness of anticipated endings and mixed emotional experience.
In Study 1, participants repeatedly imagined being in a meaningful location. Participants in the experimental condition imagined being in the meaningful location for the final time.
Only participants who imagined "last times" at meaningful locations experienced more mixed emotions.
In Study 2, college seniors reported their emotions on graduation day. Mixed emotions were higher when participants were reminded of the ending that they were experiencing.
Findings suggest that poignancy is an emotional experience associated with meaningful endings. Although global declines in structure have been documented in the aging human brain, little is known about the functional integrity of the striatum and prefrontal cortex in older adults during incentive processing.
We used event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging to determine whether younger and older adults differed in both self-reported and neural responsiveness to anticipated monetary gains and losses.
The present study provides evidence for intact striatal and insular activation during gain anticipation with age, but shows a relative reduction in activation during loss anticipation.
These findings suggest that there is an asymmetry in the processing of gains and losses in older adults that may have implications for decision-making.
According to socioemotional selectivity theory, age-related constraints on time horizons are associated with motivational changes that increasingly favor goals related to emotional well-being.
Such changes have implications for emotionally taxing tasks such as making decisions, especially when decisions require consideration of unpleasant information.
This study examined age differences in information acquisition and recall in the health care realm. Using computer-based decision scenarios, 60 older and 60 young adults reviewed choice criteria that contained positive, negative, and neutral information about different physicians and health care plans.
As predicted, older adults reviewed and recalled a greater proportion of positive than of negative information compared with young adults.
Age differences were eliminated when motivational manipulations elicited information-gathering goals or when time perspective was controlled statistically.
Implications for improving decision strategies in older adults are discussed. The subjective sense of future time plays an essential role in human motivation.
Gradually, time left becomes a better predictor than chronological age for a range of cognitive, emotional, and motivational variables.
Socioemotional selectivity theory maintains that constraints on time horizons shift motivational priorities in such a way that the regulation of emotional states becomes more important than other types of goals.
This motivational shift occurs with age but also appears in other contexts for example, geographical relocations, illnesses, and war that limit subjective future time.
Working memory mediates the short-term maintenance of information. Virtually all empirical research on working memory involves investigations of working memory for verbal and visual information.
Whereas aging is typically associated with a deficit in working memory for these types of information, recent findings suggestive of relatively well-preserved long-term memory for emotional information in older adults raise questions about working memory for emotional material.
This study examined age differences in working memory for emotional versus visual information. Findings demonstrate that, despite an age-related deficit for the latter, working memory for emotion was unimpaired.
Further, older adults exhibited superior performance on positive relative to negative emotion trials, whereas their younger counterparts exhibited the opposite pattern.
As people get older, they experience fewer negative emotions. Strategic processes in older adults' emotional attention and memory might play a role in this variation with age.
Older adults show more emotionally gratifying memory distortion for past choices and autobiographical information than younger adults do.
In addition, when shown stimuli that vary in affective valence, positive items account for a larger proportion of older adults' subsequent memories than those of younger adults.
This positivity effect in older adults' memories seems to be due to their greater focus on emotion regulation and to be implemented by cognitive control mechanisms that enhance positive and diminish negative information.
These findings suggest that both cognitive abilities and motivation contribute to older adults' improved emotion regulation.
After providing an introductory overview of socioemotional selectivity theory, we review empirical evidence for its basic postulates and consider the implications of the predicted cognitive and behavioral changes for physical health.
The main assertion of socioemotional selectivity theory is that when boundaries on time are perceived, present-oriented goals related to emotional meaning are prioritized over future-oriented goals aimed at acquiring information and expanding horizons.
Such motivational changes, which are strongly correlated with chronological age, systematically influence social preferences, social network composition, emotion regulation, and cognitive processing.
On the one hand, there is considerable reason to believe that such changes are good for well-being and social adjustment.
On the other hand, the very same motivational changes may limit health-related information-seeking and influence attention, memory, and decision-making such that positive material is favored over negative information.
Grounding our arguments in socioemotional selectivity theory, we consider possible ways to tailor contexts such that disadvantages are avoided.
As they age, adults experience less negative emotion, come to pay less attention to negative than to positive emotional stimuli, and become less likely to remember negative than positive emotional materials.
This profile of findings suggests that, with age, the amygdala may show decreased reactivity to negative information while maintaining or increasing its reactivity to positive information.
We used event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging to assess whether amygdala activation in response to positive and negative emotional pictures changes with age.
Both older and younger adults showed greater activation in the amygdala for emotional than for neutral pictures; however, for older adults, seeing positive pictures led to greater amygdala activation than seeing negative pictures, whereas this was not the case for younger adults.
This study reveals that older adults have a positivity effect in long-term autobiographical memory and that a positivity bias can be induced in younger adults by a heightened motivation to regulate current emotional well-being.
Three hundred nuns, ages 47 to years, recalled personal information originally reported 14 years earlier.
They did so under experimental conditions that repeatedly primed them to focus on their current emotional states or on their memory accuracy, or that provided no instructional focus control condition.
Both older control participants and participants who were focused on emotional states showed a tendency to remember the past more positively than they originally reported in In contrast, both younger control participants and participants who were focused on accuracy tended to remember the past more negatively than originally reported.
Socioemotional selectivity theory contends that when people perceive time as limited, they prioritize emotionally meaningful goals.
Although empirical support for the theory has been found in several studies, 2 alternative explanations for the pattern of findings remain: a emotional goals are pursued by default because nonemotional goals are blocked, and b emotional goals are pursued in search of emotional support rather than emotional meaning.
This study tested these alternatives by examining social goals in response to blocked goals and foreshortened time. Findings reveal distinct motivational patterns, as reflected in social preferences and self-reported social goals, in response to the 2 types of constraints.
We examined age differences in attention to and memory for faces expressing sadness, anger, and happiness. Participants saw a pair of faces, one emotional and one neutral, and then a dot probe that appeared in the location of one of the faces.
In two experiments, older adults responded faster to the dot if it was presented on the same side as a neutral face than if it was presented on the same side as a negative face.
Younger adults did not exhibit this attentional bias. Interactions of age and valence were also found for memory for the faces, with older adults remembering positive better than negative faces.
These findings reveal that in their initial attention, older adults avoid negative information. This attentional bias is consistent with older adults' generally better emotional well-being and their tendency to remember negative less well than positive information.
In the present article, the authors examined age differences in the emotional experiences involved in talking about past events. In Study 1, adults in an experience-sampling study reported whether they were engaged in mutual reminiscing and their concurrent experience of positive and negative emotion.
Their experiences of positive and negative emotion during mutual reminiscing were compared with emotional experience during other social activities.
Age was associated with increasing positive emotion during mutual reminiscing. In this case, age was associated with improved emotional experiences but only during reminiscing about positive experiences.
Findings are discussed in terms of socioemotional selectivity theory and the literature on reminiscence and life review.
Socioemotional selectivity theory holds that people of different ages prioritize different types of goals. As people age and increasingly perceive time as finite, they attach greater importance to goals that are emotionally meaningful.
Because the goals that people pursue so centrally influence cognition, the authors hypothesize that persuasive messages, specifically advertisements, would be preferred and better remembered by older adults when they promise to help realize emotionally meaningful goals, whereas younger adults would not show this bias.
The authors also predict that modifying time perspective would reduce age differences. Findings provide qualified support for each of these predictions.
Two studies examined age differences in recall and recognition memory for positive, negative, and neutral stimuli. In Study 1, younger, middle-aged, and older adults were shown images on a computer screen and, after a distraction task, were asked first to recall as many as they could and then to identify previously shown images from a set of old and new ones.
The relative number of negative images compared with positive and neutral images recalled decreased with each successively older age group.
Recognition memory showed a similar decrease with age in the relative memory advantage for negative pictures. In Study 2, the largest age differences in recall and recognition accuracy were also for the negative images.
Findings are consistent with socioemotional selectivity theory, which posits greater investment in emotion regulation with age.
Ample empirical evidence shows that basic cognitive processes integral to learning and memory suffer with age. Explanations for age-related loss typically cite the absence of evolutionary selection pressures during the postreproductive years, which consequently failed to optimize functioning during old age.
In this paper, we suggest that evolutionary pressures did operate at older ages and that an evolutionary account is entirely consistent with the pattern of findings currently available in the psychological literature on aging.
Cognitive loss is limited primarily to new learning, yet integrated world knowledge increases with age.
In addition, socioemotional regulation improves with age, which is associated with increased investment in emotionally meaningful others most notably kin.
In this chapter, we argue that this profile of late-life characteristics contributes to the reproductive success of kin. We consider how the uniquely human ability to monitor place in the life cycle and the consequent motivational shifts that occur when boundaries in time are perceived contribute to the adaptive value of long life.
Finally, we suggest that joint consideration of evolutionary theory and life-span psychology can lead to fruitful advances in the understanding of human aging.
Research has shown that age and ethnicity are associated with individuals' motivations for emotional regulation and social interaction.
The authors proposed that these age and ethnicity-related motives would be reflected in storytelling. Women representing 2 age and 2 ethnic groups young adulthood, oldage, African American, European American told stories to young girls.
Stories were coded for emotional, relational, and socialization focus. They predicted that older adults would selectively emphasize positive over negative emotions and would direct more utterances toward their interaction with their listener.
The authors expected that African Americans would be more likely to emphasize socialization themes. Results suggest that older adults positively modulate emotional content while storytelling; qualified support was found for hypotheses concerning socialization and interrelational emphasis.
On the basis of postulates derived from socioemotional selectivity theory, the authors explored the extent to which future time perspective FTP is related to social motivation, and to the composition and perceived quality of personal networks.
Four hundred eighty German participants with ages ranging from 20 to 90 years took part in the study. In 2 card-sort tasks, participants indicated their partner preference and goal priority.
Participants also completed questionnaires on personal networks and social satisfaction. Older people, as a group, perceived their future time as more limited than younger people.
Individuals who perceived future time as being limited prioritized emotionally meaningful goals e.
Priority of goal domains was found to be differently associated with the size, composition, and perceived quality of personal networks depending on FTP.
Prioritizing emotion-regulatory goals was associated with greater social satisfaction and less perceived strain with others when participants perceived their future as limited.
Findings underscore the importance of FTP in the self-regulation of social relationships and the subjective experience associated with them.
Socioemotional selectivity theory contends that as people become increasingly aware of limitations on future time, they are increasingly motivated to be more selective in their choice of social partners, favoring emotionally meaningful relationships over peripheral ones.
The theory hypothesizes that because age is negatively associated with time left in life, the social networks of older people contain fewer peripheral social partners than those of their younger counterparts.
This study tested the hypothesis among African Americans and European Americans, two ethnic groups whose social structural resources differ.
Findings confirm the hypothesis. Across a wide age range 18 to 94 years old and among both ethnic groups, older people report as many emotionally close social partners but fewer peripheral social partners in their networks as compared to their younger counterparts.
Moreover, a greater percentage of very close social partners in social networks is related to lower levels of happiness among the young age group, but not among the older age groups.
Implications of findings for adaptive social functioning across the life span are discussed. View details for DOI doi Previously, the authors found that during idiosyncratic emotional events relived emotions, discussions about marital conflict , older European American adults demonstrated smaller changes in cardiovascular responding than their younger counterparts R.
Levenson, L. Carstensen, W. Ekman, ; R. Gottman, This study examined whether such differences held when the emotional events were standardized, and whether they extend to another cultural group.
Forty-eight old years and 48 young years European Americans and Chinese Americans viewed sad and amusing film clips in the laboratory while their cardiovascular, subjective online and retrospective , and behavioral responses were measured.
Consistent with previous findings, older participants evidenced smaller changes in cardiovascular responding than did younger participants during the film clips.
Consistent with earlier reports, old and young participants did not differ in most subjective and behavioral responses to the films. No cultural differences were found.
Age differences in emotional experience over the adult life span were explored, focusing on the frequency, intensity, complexity, and consistency of emotional experience in everyday life.
One hundred eighty-four people, age 18 to 94 years, participated in an experience-sampling procedure in which emotions were recorded across a 1-week period.
Age was unrelated to frequency of positive emotional experience. A curvilinear relationship best characterized negative emotional experience.
Negative emotions declined in frequency until approximately age 60, at which point the decline ceased.
Individual factor analyses computed for each participant revealed that age was associated with more differentiated emotional experience.
In addition, periods of highly positive emotional experience were more likely to endure among older people and periods of highly negative emotional experience were less stable.
Findings are interpreted within the theoretical framework of socioemotional selectivity theory.
Socioemotional selectivity theory holds that the reliable decline in social contact in later life is due, in part, to older people's preferences for emotionally meaningful social partners and that such preferences are due not to age, per se, but to perceived limitations on time.
Confirming the theory, in both the United States and Hong Kong, older people showed a preference for familiar social partners, whereas younger people did not show this preference.
However, when asked to imagine an expansive future, older people's bias for familiar social partners disappeared. Conversely, in the face of a hypothesized constraint on time, both younger and older people preferred familiar social partners.
Moreover, social preferences in Hong Kong differed before and after the handover of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China, which was construed as a sociopolitical time constraint.
One year prior to the handover, only older people displayed preferences for familiar partners. Two months before the handover, both age groups showed such preferences.
One year after the handover, once again, only older Hong Kong people preferred familiar social partners. Socioemotional selectivity theory claims that the perception of time plays a fundamental role in the selection and pursuit of social goals.
According to the theory, social motives fall into 1 of 2 general categories--those related to the acquisition of knowledge and those related to the regulation of emotion.
When time is perceived as open-ended, knowledge-related goals are prioritized. Crying for Love Sara. The Candidate Louise.
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Rikke Petersen credit only. Laura Marie Christensen, Resides in Howell, MI. Includes Address 7 Phone 3 Email 2.
Resides in Twin Valley, MN. Includes Address 7 Phone 2. Resides in Minneapolis, MN. Includes Address 7 Phone 7 Email 9.
Resides in Santaquin, UT. Also known as Larry M Christensen. Includes Address 5 Phone 6. Resides in Russellville, AR.
Includes Address 6 Phone 4 Email 4. Resides in Ord, NE. Also known as Laura Ann Smith. Includes Address 4 Phone 8.
Resides in Jacksonville, NC. Includes Address 8 Phone 3 Email 2. Laura Ellen Christensen, Resides in Iowa City, IA. Includes Address 8 Phone 3 Email 4.
Resides in Santa Clara, CA. Includes Address 8 Phone 2 Email 2. Resides in Wayne, NE. Includes Address 6 Phone 1 Email 1.
Resides in Olathe, KS. Also known as Lauri C Christensen. Includes Address 4 Phone 1. Resides in South Dartmouth, MA.